美國應該給全民發(fā)錢，可是錢從哪里來？
George Zarkadakis
2021-06-30
圖片來源：Getty Images
普遍基本收入（Universal Basic Income，簡稱UBI）秉承一個激進的想法：無論每個人的財產(chǎn)或就業(yè)情況如何，每個月都能夠領到一筆固定的免稅收入。UBI的倡導者指出，經(jīng)濟正在加速轉變，工作方式從穩(wěn)定的全職工作轉向打零工，而且他們認為在不確定性與日俱增的勞動力市場，有必要通過UBI為公民謀福祉。人工智能系統(tǒng)的發(fā)展進一步支撐了他們的觀點，因為這些系統(tǒng)可以自動操作更多的體力型和認知型人工任務，從而清楚地表明，對大多數(shù)人而言，未來的工資工作將是間歇性的，并且充滿變數(shù)。
UBI曾經(jīng)是一個邊緣想法，但新冠疫情使其受到人們的普遍關注。在疫情封城期間，大西洋兩岸花費數(shù)萬億美元，讓人們無法上班，這對UBI而言是一場大規(guī)模的實驗。我們該何去何從？
有兩個因素將決定UBI是否會成為后疫情時代新常態(tài)的一部分。第一個因素是，政府如何在不大幅增加國債和提高通脹的情況下，持續(xù)性地資助一個永久性的UBI計劃。美國企業(yè)研究所（American Enterprise Institute）的研究探討了一種在不影響預算的情況下，實現(xiàn)UBI的方法，即通過取消幾乎所有現(xiàn)行的福利計劃，向每個美國人每月發(fā)放1350美元。但是，從經(jīng)濟學的角度來看，天下沒有免費的午餐。這項計劃會損害處于收入分配最底層的數(shù)百萬公民的利益。因此，UBI非但沒有減少，反而加劇了不平等。
第二個因素是UBI如何影響人類行為。自食其力不僅僅是一種經(jīng)濟需求，也能夠讓人獲得尊嚴和自尊。失業(yè)與精神疾病以及自殺存在明顯的相關性。為了活得有意義，人們需要感受自身價值。
幸好我們的價值也有貨幣價值。我們的數(shù)字化身和數(shù)據(jù)，已經(jīng)相當重要，并將在未來變得愈發(fā)重要，因為需要用它們來訓練和增強智能算法，用來取代我們的工作。個人數(shù)據(jù)蘊藏的巨大價值目前已經(jīng)成為了幾家科技公司的搖錢樹。
如果我們主張個人數(shù)據(jù)的財產(chǎn)權呢？我們可以將數(shù)據(jù)聚合成一個集體資產(chǎn)，而非將數(shù)據(jù)出售給科技巨頭以換取免費服務。然后，我們能夠向數(shù)據(jù)提供者（也就是我們）指派具有信托責任的代表，代表我們管理這一資產(chǎn)。這個組織稱為公民數(shù)據(jù)信托。
數(shù)據(jù)信托可以向需要數(shù)據(jù)來開發(fā)算法、產(chǎn)品和服務的私人或公共組織，收費提供數(shù)據(jù)的受控訪問。這些費用將由信托收取，并作為紅利派發(fā)給公民，從而資助UBI。
對于目前數(shù)據(jù)的價值，不妨參考美國的航空公司是如何通過數(shù)據(jù)密集的常旅客計劃，獲得數(shù)十億美元的貸款。2021年3月，美國航空公司（American Airlines）的忠誠度計劃（loyalty program）的估值創(chuàng)下了紀錄，這是一個價值240億美元的客戶行為數(shù)據(jù)的數(shù)據(jù)集。
與其它數(shù)據(jù)集結合，會提升數(shù)據(jù)集的價值。一個智慧城市數(shù)據(jù)信托能夠保存幾十個公民的數(shù)據(jù)集，包括健康記錄、交通習慣和環(huán)境數(shù)據(jù)。如果每個公民都是該數(shù)據(jù)信托的股東，股利就可以轉化為每月數(shù)千美元的收入。
數(shù)據(jù)信托能夠通過成為進行價值創(chuàng)新的數(shù)字生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的中介機構，獲取部分價值，并將其重新分配給數(shù)據(jù)所有者，從而促進社會的經(jīng)濟平等。重要的是，數(shù)據(jù)信托將個人數(shù)據(jù)的收集和管理與處理和利用分開，從而降低了資金短缺的初創(chuàng)企業(yè)進行人工智能創(chuàng)新的門檻。通過使用數(shù)據(jù)資助UBI，數(shù)據(jù)信托有助于讓每個人在未來獲得公平的發(fā)展機會。（財富中文網(wǎng)）
喬治?扎爾卡達基斯是《網(wǎng)絡共和國：在智能機器時代重塑民主》（Cyber Republic: Reinventing Democracy in the Age of Intelligent Machines）一書的作者，大西洋理事會（Atlantic Council）的高級研究員。
譯者：徐亮
普遍基本收入（Universal Basic Income，簡稱UBI）秉承一個激進的想法：無論每個人的財產(chǎn)或就業(yè)情況如何，每個月都能夠領到一筆固定的免稅收入。UBI的倡導者指出，經(jīng)濟正在加速轉變，工作方式從穩(wěn)定的全職工作轉向打零工，而且他們認為在不確定性與日俱增的勞動力市場，有必要通過UBI為公民謀福祉。人工智能系統(tǒng)的發(fā)展進一步支撐了他們的觀點，因為這些系統(tǒng)可以自動操作更多的體力型和認知型人工任務，從而清楚地表明，對大多數(shù)人而言，未來的工資工作將是間歇性的，并且充滿變數(shù)。
UBI曾經(jīng)是一個邊緣想法，但新冠疫情使其受到人們的普遍關注。在疫情封城期間，大西洋兩岸花費數(shù)萬億美元，讓人們無法上班，這對UBI而言是一場大規(guī)模的實驗。我們該何去何從？
有兩個因素將決定UBI是否會成為后疫情時代新常態(tài)的一部分。第一個因素是，政府如何在不大幅增加國債和提高通脹的情況下，持續(xù)性地資助一個永久性的UBI計劃。美國企業(yè)研究所（American Enterprise Institute）的研究探討了一種在不影響預算的情況下，實現(xiàn)UBI的方法，即通過取消幾乎所有現(xiàn)行的福利計劃，向每個美國人每月發(fā)放1350美元。但是，從經(jīng)濟學的角度來看，天下沒有免費的午餐。這項計劃會損害處于收入分配最底層的數(shù)百萬公民的利益。因此，UBI非但沒有減少，反而加劇了不平等。
第二個因素是UBI如何影響人類行為。自食其力不僅僅是一種經(jīng)濟需求，也能夠讓人獲得尊嚴和自尊。失業(yè)與精神疾病以及自殺存在明顯的相關性。為了活得有意義，人們需要感受自身價值。
幸好我們的價值也有貨幣價值。我們的數(shù)字化身和數(shù)據(jù)，已經(jīng)相當重要，并將在未來變得愈發(fā)重要，因為需要用它們來訓練和增強智能算法，用來取代我們的工作。個人數(shù)據(jù)蘊藏的巨大價值目前已經(jīng)成為了幾家科技公司的搖錢樹。
如果我們主張個人數(shù)據(jù)的財產(chǎn)權呢？我們可以將數(shù)據(jù)聚合成一個集體資產(chǎn)，而非將數(shù)據(jù)出售給科技巨頭以換取免費服務。然后，我們能夠向數(shù)據(jù)提供者（也就是我們）指派具有信托責任的代表，代表我們管理這一資產(chǎn)。這個組織稱為公民數(shù)據(jù)信托。
數(shù)據(jù)信托可以向需要數(shù)據(jù)來開發(fā)算法、產(chǎn)品和服務的私人或公共組織，收費提供數(shù)據(jù)的受控訪問。這些費用將由信托收取，并作為紅利派發(fā)給公民，從而資助UBI。
對于目前數(shù)據(jù)的價值，不妨參考美國的航空公司是如何通過數(shù)據(jù)密集的常旅客計劃，獲得數(shù)十億美元的貸款。2021年3月，美國航空公司（American Airlines）的忠誠度計劃（loyalty program）的估值創(chuàng)下了紀錄，這是一個價值240億美元的客戶行為數(shù)據(jù)的數(shù)據(jù)集。
與其它數(shù)據(jù)集結合，會提升數(shù)據(jù)集的價值。一個智慧城市數(shù)據(jù)信托能夠保存幾十個公民的數(shù)據(jù)集，包括健康記錄、交通習慣和環(huán)境數(shù)據(jù)。如果每個公民都是該數(shù)據(jù)信托的股東，股利就可以轉化為每月數(shù)千美元的收入。
數(shù)據(jù)信托能夠通過成為進行價值創(chuàng)新的數(shù)字生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的中介機構，獲取部分價值，并將其重新分配給數(shù)據(jù)所有者，從而促進社會的經(jīng)濟平等。重要的是，數(shù)據(jù)信托將個人數(shù)據(jù)的收集和管理與處理和利用分開，從而降低了資金短缺的初創(chuàng)企業(yè)進行人工智能創(chuàng)新的門檻。通過使用數(shù)據(jù)資助UBI，數(shù)據(jù)信托有助于讓每個人在未來獲得公平的發(fā)展機會。（財富中文網(wǎng)）
喬治?扎爾卡達基斯是《網(wǎng)絡共和國：在智能機器時代重塑民主》（Cyber Republic: Reinventing Democracy in the Age of Intelligent Machines）一書的作者，大西洋理事會（Atlantic Council）的高級研究員。
譯者：徐亮
Universal basic income (UBI) is the radical idea of giving every person a tax-free, flat amount of income, irrespective of their wealth or employment status. Proponents of UBI point to the accelerating transition of the economy from secure, full-time jobs toward zero-hour gig contracts, and argue that UBI will be necessary to fund citizen well-being in an increasingly uncertain labor market. Their argument is further supported by the march of artificially intelligent systems that automate ever more physical and cognitive human tasks, clearly pointing to a future where wage work will be intermittent and unpredictable for most people.
UBI used to be a fringe idea, but the COVID-19 pandemic has put it firmly in the spotlight. The trillions of dollars spent on both sides of the Atlantic to keep people out of the office during lockdowns have been a massive experiment in UBI. So where do we go from here?
Two factors will determine whether UBI becomes part of the post-pandemic new normal. The first is how sustainable it is for any government to fund a perpetual UBI without massively adding to the national debt and raising inflation. Research by the American Enterprise Institute has shown a way to achieve a budget-neutral UBI that would give each American $1,350 per month by eliminating almost all current welfare programs. But, given there’s no free lunch in economics, the plan has been shown to be detrimental to millions of citizens at the bottom of income distribution. So instead of lowering inequality, a UBI could raise it.
The second factor is how UBI would affect human behavior. Earning a living is not an economic necessity only; it is also a source of dignity and self-respect. There is clear correlation between unemployment and mental illness, as well as suicide. Humans need to feel worthy in order to live a meaningful life.
Thankfully, our worth also has a monetary value. Our digital avatars and data, already quite important, will become even more so in the future, as they are needed to train and power the intelligent algorithms that will replace us in the workplace. The enormous value of our data is currently monetized by a handful of tech companies.
What if we claimed property rights for our personal data? Instead of effectively selling the data to tech giants in exchange for free services, we could instead aggregate our data into a collective asset. Then, we could assign representatives with fiduciary responsibilities to the data providers—us—to govern that asset on our behalf. Call this organization a citizen data trust.
The data trust could then give, for a fee, controlled access to our data to private or public organizations that need data to develop algorithms, products, and services. Those fees would be collected by the trust and distributed to the citizens as dividends, thus funding a UBI.
To put the value of data in context, consider how U.S. airlines raised billions in loans backed by their data-heavy frequent flier programs. In March 2021, American Airlines hit a record valuation for its loyalty program—a data set of customer behavior data—of $24 billion.
Data sets increase in value when combined with other data sets. A smart city data trust could hold dozens of citizen data sets, including health records, transportation habits, and environmental data. If every citizen was a shareholder in that data trust, dividends could translate to thousands of dollars of income per month.
Data trusts could help societies move toward greater economic equality by becoming intermediaries in a digital ecosystem of new value creation, capturing some of that value, and redistributing it back to the data owners. Importantly, data trusts separate the collection and administration of personal data from its processing and utilization, thereby lowering barriers to A.I. innovation for less capitalized startups. By using data to fund a UBI, data trusts could help level people’s opportunities for prosperity in the future.
George Zarkadakis is author of Cyber Republic: Reinventing Democracy in the Age of Intelligent Machines and a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council.
